Just 6-7 years ago such questions as `who rules Russia?` or `who represents the country's national elite?` were left unanswered.
In all likelihood, shortly after his first inauguration ceremony in May 2000 Vladimir Putin keenly perceived the incompetence of those at the top in the late Yeltsin era. He refused to become one of the existing upper crust, he chose to snip it all off instead. First, Putin abolished the unofficial institute of the Kremlin-backed oligarchs incorporating the people who had been allowed in the Yeltsin era to grab huge chunks of the state economy. As a result, they, even if officially lacking any government status, obtained a mighty political clout and could dictate their will to the Kremlin inhabitants. They became unwelcome there, however, shortly after Putin took over the helm of state. Soon things were growing similarly sour for the regional oligarchs who had each made personal enrichment the pivotal element of their autocratic regimes. Despite the fact that not all regional leaders had been involved in shady deals, Putin nevertheless made a harsh decision of dissolving Russian parliament's upper house, the Federation Council, composed of the heads of local executive and legislative authorities. In 2002, when the Federation Council was re-convened it was made up of other people.
The state elite has been continuously sifted over the past five years at all levels of authority not only in parliament but also in the government, armed forces, law-enforcement bodies and even in the presidential administration itself which eventually shed a number of prominent political figures of the Yeltsin era.
At present, President Putin is facing a crucial question: who can he rely on in pursuing his policy in conditions when the old elite is all gone but the new one is not yet in existence?
It is an indisputable fact that President Putin is enjoying an enormous approval rating, exceeding, even by the strictest estimates, the level of 60 percent. Moreover, there are a lot of people ready to chant praises to whatever initiative put forward by Putin. At the same time, Putin noticeably lacks major political figures among his associates, even if of a lesser caliber but still popular with the people and capable of bringing home to the public the essence of Putin's policy and ensuring its effective implementation.
In other words, Putin lacks the national political elite.
It appears, however, that President is determined to create it. Presidential participation in creation of regional elites features high on Putin's current agenda. A couple of weeks ago, the State Duma approved the concept of the presidential law envisaging election of President-nominated regional heads by local legislatures. Putin may go even further - after the newly elected governors are sworn in and take office he is ready to bring them back to the upper house of parliament and thus grant the regional leaders access to the nationwide political tribune in Moscow.
Unlike the former Federation Council dissolved by Putin in 2002, the new Russian parliament's upper house will be composed of people enjoying the backing of not only their respective regions but also of the Russian President himself. Politically and psychologically, President is going to feel much more comfortable working with this kind of people as compared with his former experience. The regional leaders would find themselves in a similarly advantageous position. As a result, `the vertical of power` (a term recently introduced in Russia to denote `an effective state`) will obtain a major pillar for its foundation.
Serious efforts must be taken, however, to avoid personnel mistakes. Henceforth, President Vladimir Putin, to a large extent, assumes personal responsibility for establishment of Russia's national political elite.
