Pragmatic idealism of united Europe

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MOSCOW. (Fyodor Lukyanov for RIA Novosti) - On Sunday united Europe will be 50 years old. On March 25, 1957 the leaders of Belgium, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, France, and West Germany signed two treaties.

The first established the European Economic Community (EEC), and the other set up the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM).

This day marks the beginning of European integration, although its foundations had been laid several years before.

There are many reasons for showering the Old World with criticism. No doubt, the European Union (EU) has been lagging behind the fastest growing economies, the United States and Asian giants. Its unparalleled expansion over the past few years - since 1995 the EU has more than doubled - caused failures in the administrative machinery. The institutes devised in the 1950s cannot cope with the united Europe that stretches from Narva and Belostok to Funchal and Larnaka. Confidence in Brussels is very low, and Euro-skeptic attitudes are prevalent even in the founding nations. It is no chance that it was France and the Netherlands that have turned down the EU Constitution.

The EU has accepted a dozen states that will have to learn the Old World's art of political compromise. The new members have their own vision of Euro-solidarity, and primarily look to Washington rather than Brussels or other European capitals. The affluent Europe is shrinking numerically - all countries on the continent have a low birth rate, while immigration waves are scaring the Europeans with the possible loss of identity.

However, the European leaders have the right to talk about historical success and applaud their project. The founding fathers have a unique achievement to their credit - they have launched a very sophisticated mechanism that is capable of self-adjustment and adaptation to continuously changing circumstances. The process of endless consultations, which are a source of irritation for foreign partners and the Europeans themselves, creates the dense texture of modern European reality. Indeed, the progress is slowing down, but the project itself is virtually irreversible. The foundation had been laid slowly but professionally.  Even the most bellicose foes of unity are not serious about withdrawal from the EU for fear of deplorable consequences.

Incidentally, Europe's problems today are the result of departure from the founders' bequests.  For different reasons, the European elite has made an abrupt leap forward, and the system has failed to adapt itself to the new reality. But this does not mean that it will not be able to do this in the future.

The EU establishment likes to indulge in the talk about values on which the European construction supposedly rests. And it does, but European pragmatism is much more important than that. In times of trouble the Europeans are capable of rationally assessing their interests and opportunities, and of putting common sense above emotions and ambitions. The founders combined the great European dream of creating a continent of peace and prosperity with an extremely pragmatic approach to reality. They understood the importance of selfishness, and appealed to considerations of expediency in order to implement the ideals.

Indicatively, setbacks in integration were created by the failure of the European ruling class to explain the benefits of expansion to their compatriots. Until the end of the 1990s every step was accompanied by intensive explanatory mission - politicians explained why this or other decision met the interests of common Europeans. As soon as the balance shifted towards ideology and geopolitical reasons as a result of the major changes following the fall of the Iron Curtain, the forward movement slowed down. People did not understand why they needed it all.

The most outstanding spokesmen of the united Europe were known for their freedom of thought and ability to rise above prejudices and stereotypes. Only truly free minds could ask their compatriots, who had just survived the most cruel war in history, to overcome their feelings, to shake hands with their worst enemy, and to recognize him as an equal partner. Although not everyone was capable of such a breakthrough, in the decisive moments Europe had intellectual and moral leaders who rose to the occasion. Today, Europe lacks such leaders.

Its half-a-century history abounded in leaps forward and backslides, successes and setbacks, petty conflicts and noble aspirations. The main lesson is obvious. Almost any political goal can be achieved with a balanced approach that is based on rationalism and idealism, broad outlook, readiness to engage in boring routine, and immunity to the temptation of simplistic decisions.

 

Fyodor Lukyanov is editor-in-chief of the Russia in Global Politics.

 

The opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.
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