Opinion: Khodorkovsky's "Bad Company"

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MOSCOW, September 20 (RIA Novosti political commentator Peter Lavelle). If, by a miracle, Mikhail Khodorkovsky stands as a candidate for a vacated Duma seat, he might find himself in a crowded pack.

 A number of prisoners resident at Khodorkovsky's current humble abode - the Matrosskaya Tishina detention center - are reported to be drawing up plans to do the same. Russia's democracy is far from perfect, but it is certainly entertaining.

Call it a new fad, cynical political intrigue, or a manifestation of a unique political culture, but it appears that politicians of a new type have arrived on Russia's electoral landscape. Khodorkovsky's bid to appeal his nine-year prison sentence for tax evasion and other serious charges though a parliamentary election appears to have motivated others who are in similar legal predicaments to do the same.

According to a Moscow Times story, of the aspiring inmates, "two are charged with robbery, two are charged with fraud, one is charged with child molestation and one is charged with rape."

Other media sources claim that there are three names well-known names prepared to throw in their hats: Alexandra Ivannikova, awaiting retrial on charges of killing an Armenian taxi driver in 2003; Eduard Ulman, a captain in the military's intelligence directorate awaiting retrial on charges of murdering six Chechen civilians in 2002; and Vladimir Kvachkov, a retired colonel in the military's intelligence directorate, accused of conspiring to assassinate Unified Energy Systems boss Anatoly Chubais in March. None of these three notables have confirmed their candidacies.

One obvious question that comes to mind is whether the promotion of such individuals to run for office is a calculated plan, backed by the authorities, to discredit most of the candidates, particularly Khodorkovsky, running in the December 4 election. Why the authorities believe Khodorkovsky could win if he ran is unclear; why the authorities intend to turn the Duma election into a media circus is equally unclear. The attempt to portray Khodorkovsky as being no different from an accused child molester or rapist could turn out to be an affront to the electorate and benefit Khodorkovsky's hypothetical election bid. Most of Russia's liberal opposition have pursued misguided policy agendas under Putin, but any effort to equate them with suspected hardened criminals will surely backfire.

What does appear to be clear is how intent Russian extreme nationalist parties and groups are to use the election for their own ends - such groups are believed to be behind Ivannikova's, Ulman's and Kvachkov's candidacies. Playing the nationalist card has produced some remarkable results over the years for such parties as Rodina. However, it remains an open question whether the University district, considered to be an affluent white-collar neighborhood in southwestern Moscow, will be receptive to nationalist campaign rhetoric.

Several parties have several different reasons to use the December Duma poll for their own purposes. Moscow is the nexus of political activity in Russia, and this vote is an opportunity for all to try out different campaign techniques before the start of the 2007-8 election cycle. How interested is the electorate in "oligarch-bashing," nationalist slogans, the pace of social reforms, and other platforms? This by-election may tell us what the electorate is thinking, and how it will vote in the near future.

Those supporting suspected criminals for political office, however, should be careful. Doing so makes Russia's democratic process appear colorful, and even within the letter of law - but there is an important, though unintended, side-effect to be wary of. Backing some of the worst elements of society to become elected representatives will only make politics appear to be the realm of "bad company" - something the authorities certainly do not ultimately want, as this type of politicking undermines their legitimacy.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the opinions of the editorial board.

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